What is social capital?

Whereas physical capital refers to physical objects and human capital refers to the properties of individuals, social capital refers to connections among individuals - social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them. In that sense social capital is closely related to what some have called "civic virtue." The difference is that "social capital" calls attention to the fact that civic virtue is most powerful when embedded in a sense network of reciprocal social relations. A society of many virtuous but isolated individuals is not necessarily rich in social capital. (Robert Putnam)

Why social capital matters

Research has begun to show how powerfully social capital, or its absence, affects the well being of individuals, organizations, and nations.

Economics studies demonstrate that social capital makes workers more productive, firms more competitive, and nations more prosperous.

Psychological research indicates that abundant social capital makes individuals less prone to depression and more inclined to help others.

Epidemiological reports show that social capital decreases the rate of suicide, colds, heart attacks, strokes, and cancer, and improves individuals' ability to fight or recover from illnesses once they have struck.

Sociology studies suggest that social capital reduces crime, juvenile delinquency, teenage pregnancy, child abuse, welfare dependency, and drug abuse, and increases student test scores and graduation rates.

From political science, we know that extensive social capital makes government agencies more responsive, efficient, and innovative.

And from our own personal experience we know that social capital makes navigating life a whole lot easier: Our friends and family members cheer us up when we're down, bring us chicken soup when we're sick, offer job leads when we're unemployed, babysit our kids when we're away, join us at the movies when we're bored, give us loans when we're broke, and remember our birthdays even when we forget them.

It is becoming increasingly clear that social capital has an enormous array of practical benefits to individuals and to communities. What is more, social capital has what economists call "positive externalities." That is, networks of trust and reciprocity not only benefit those within them, but also those outside them.

Consequently, when social capital is depleted, people suffer in clear and measurable ways, and there is a ripple effect beyond a scattering of lonely individuals. Shoring up our stocks of social capital, therefore, represents one of the most promising approaches for remedying all sorts of social ills. (Source: BetterTogether, a report issued by the Saguaro Seminar)

2007.02.20

Prewrite
Social Capital in my opinion is where people be affected through a political standpoint. Dictionary.com defines social capital means that "An economic idea that refers to the connections between individuals and entities that can be economically valuable. Social networks that include people who trust and assist each other can be a powerful asset. These relationships between individuals and firms can lead to a state in which each will think of the other when something needs to be done. Along with economic capital, social capital is a valuable mechanism in economic growth."

Postwrite
After Marys class I had understood what social capital means that the way that you are affected by an economic or political idea, which connects individual and entities. this is the way we are born, and the way that we are raised to believe that out economic capital, social capital is valuable mechanism for economic growth.

Application
The way I apply this is because in our lives we see that our community of PSEC, this practice is important because of the group of people in our lives we are so familiar with this, it helps us show the affect the on our lives with social capital.

The Other Side to Racism

Barun Singh

Prof. James Sherley's hunger strike and charges of racism against MIT have catalyzed a welcome public dialogue on race relations. We must be careful, however, to ensure balance as we take advantage of this opportunity to improve community standards and understanding: in addition to examining the extent and effect of racism, both within and beyond minority populations, we must also be willing to discuss the problematic role of race-baiting and hyperbole within the public realm.

Race-baiting, in this context, is defined as the injection of race as a theme or central issue into a debate where it does not bear any significant relevance. Like racism itself, race-baiting is rarely clear-cut, and falls along a continuum. On one end, an individual or organization may maliciously exploit a public desire to correct institutional racism. A less extreme approach may involve the purposeful use of hyperbole as a means of associating a legitimate concern over a relatively minor racist act with extreme historical examples. Least maliciously of all, race-baiting may be no more than a subconscious expression of a feeling of persecution or resentment engendered elsewhere. In all of these cases, guilt and fear, rather than rational argument, are used as tools to force the opposing side to concede. It can be difficult to disambiguate true cases of racism from race-baiting, a fact often exploited by politicians. Some charges of racism as an underlying motivation can be reasonably defended, such as the notorious "Playboy party" advertisement that arguably played on racist sentiments against African-American Senate candidate Harold Ford, Jr. in 2006. Others, however, fall apart upon even a cursory inspection, such as Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney accusing police of being racist when they responded to her not walking through a metal detector while entering the capitol, or Senator Joseph Biden being accused of racism for describing fellow Senator Barack Obama as articulate. A more general example of race-baiting would be the accusations of racism leveled against all those taking a strong stance on illegal immigration.Although politics is characterized by a level of doublespeak beyond the norm, the examples cited above are not atypical of the types of race-baiting found more generally in society. Consider the following example from my own experience within the MIT community. The Graduate Student Council recently discussed the idea of converting the GSC's diversity committee from an ad-hoc to a standing (permanent) committee; I attended the meeting as a former President of the Council who has also worked to promote MIT's recruitment of underrepresented minorities. Although I supported the laudable sentiment and objectives of the proposal, I also found valid arguments against it, and expressed my concerns. To my surprise, a number of GSC representatives approached me only after the meeting to express their own reasons for believing the proposal flawed. They explained that they had not raised their objections publicly during the open debate for fear of drawing accusations of racism.The Sherley case itself presents another example within our community. By equating the response of the administration to his hunger strike with the beating and lynching of civil rights activists in the '60s, Sherley is guilty of using racial hyperbole to manipulate the emotions of his audience and further his own objectives, whether they be as personal as getting tenure or as noble as fighting racism everywhere.Ironically, individuals who practice race-baiting often cause themselves more harm than good. Such techniques may successfully quell dissenting viewpoints, but they also create resentment among those who have been strong-armed into silence. This resentment, with time, contributes to unnecessarily negative views of the minority community at large. Minorities fighting racism cannot afford to squander the good will of those sympathetic to their cause, thus winning the battle by losing the war.Of course, an individual may incorrectly ascribe racism as a motivation for an offense because he truly believes in what he is saying, not necessarily because he is race-baiting. This fact highlights the importance of understanding that no dialogue is one-sided: responsibility lies with all parties involved to express their views openly, respectfully and honestly. This duty applies as much to those who disagree with accusations of racism as to those who level the accusations. Only by refusing to kowtow to the fear of being called a racist can those who sincerely disagree help foster a productive dialogue.MIT routinely conducts surveys to gauge the sentiment of minorities in the service of promoting a safe and welcoming environment for all members of the community. Clearly it is valuable to determine whether individuals feel intimidated by attitudes towards their race. Is it not also valuable to ascertain how often people feel intimidated by the threat of being stigmatized as racist for expressing views that are less than politically correct?Unfortunately, people often do not have the courage of their convictions to be willing to voice their opposition to an idea if they believe that doing so will be result in their being called a racist. Consequently, the true racists — those who disparage or disagree with the minority based on their race and not their arguments — are disproportionately represented among those who do speak out. This gives the false impression that most of those who do disagree are in fact racist, which justifiably angers the minority. It also makes those who are not racist, but disagree with the minority's arguments, even more hesitant to participate in the debate because they don't want to be associated with those who have spoken out.To the extent that they both hinder free speech, discourage open debate, and result in the judging of individuals based not on their merit, racism and race-baiting are equally destructive to the fabric of our society. If we wish to heal the terrible scar of racial inequality in our society, we must have the courage to confront them both.

Barun Singh is an opinion editor for The Tech. He welcomes comments and responses to this article on his Web site at http://barunsingh.com or to letters@the-tech.mit.edu.

Prewrite
Before I had read this article, I had understood that this type of problem called racism is in the world every day. For instance, the blacks, might be living in the Bronx, they may not be poor, but many of these people would call it the "ghetto". Why do they do this if they have a whole life ahead of them? Well maybe its because of the fact how they were affected since birth, mainly their color of skin. That is my view of racism.

Postwrite
When reading this article, I had understood the concept of where racism is headed in our near future. The type of things that they have in this article shows the way we apply this, even though we may not seem racist, for instance, the people that like politics show they have even some racism, for example "such as Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney accusing police of being racist when they responded to her not walking through a metal detector while entering the capitol, or Senator Joseph Biden being accused of racism for describing fellow Senator Barack Obama as articulate. A more general example of race-baiting would be the accusations of racism leveled against all those taking a strong stance on illegal immigration." would be perfect example of these types of types of racist people in order to work and try to ignore the fact of what they had done.


Application
In my daily life, racism is seen. Racism is shown inside of school, even in this school, there is racism; Racism is the way to change your life by accepting others, even if they are different colored skin, or different culture. I feel the more we accept others, the more we get in return.

DIVERSITY: Does your government represent you?

BY ROBIN FARMER TIMES-DISPATCH STAFF WRITER

Feb 25, 2007

Racial diversity in central Virginia is still largely black and white.

The area is becoming more diverse, but the changes are not yet reflected in local government. No Latinos or Asians are known to sit on boards of supervisors, city councils or school boards, according to a Times-Dispatch survey of 20 localities.

African-Americans, especially on boards of supervisors or city councils, remain underrepresented when compared with their percentage of the population. Their numbers are higher on school boards.

Some residents, experts and board members interviewed say race doesn't matter. Others say while race should not be a key factor in who gets elected, communities are best served when the boards are diverse. Whether Latinos and Asians can play an increased political role depends on how well they can organize in the future.

In November, voters in Richmond, which is 56 percent black, elected a 6-3 majority-white City Council and 5-4 majority-white School Board.

"African-Americans had to help vote the white council members in," city resident Delores Abdul-Badee said. "I don't vote for someone because you are my skin color," she said, adding that her vote depends on the individual.

In Chesterfield, Prince George and King William counties, where blacks are at least an estimated 20 percent or more of the population, no blacks serve on the elected boards. In Chesterfield and Prince George, the boards are all white.

The racial makeup of an elected body does not have to reflect the locality's constituents to be effective, said Joseph A. Leming, chairman of the Prince George Board of Supervisors.

"I would hope an elected board would represent its citizens regardless of race, creed, color, religion or sexual orientation," he said.

"Can we elect black representatives? Yes. Have they been elected? Yes," he said.

Frank Adams, the first Native American elected to the King William Board of Supervisors, agrees that racial composition should not matter, but he sees value in having diverse boards.

The reason? "My fellow tribal members and the other tribes in King William are comfortable talking to me about issues that involve the county in their lives," said Adams, elected in 2004.

Chesterfield resident Rafael Valladares Jr. also believes constituents would be better represented by their own. He said Latinos should be on the boards to understand the necessities of the community.

The mind-set of the board members is key, said Murel M. Jones, chairman of the department of political science and public administration at Virginia State University in Ettrick.

"It is important for public servants to be mindful of the diverse cultural backgrounds of the citizens who they serve. However one defines diversity, whether focusing on the inclusion of women, African-Americans, other ethnic and cultural groups, and income status, one has better public-policymaking when the needs and aspirations of others are considered," Jones said.

Thomas Doland, chairman of the Chesterfield School Board, offers a similar view.

"I think if you've got a heart for that, you can be a good representative as long as you're a good listener and give people an opportunity to be a part of public engagement," Doland said.

. . .

The lack of black board members would be more of an issue if members were still appointed instead of people who choose to run for election, he said.

Chesterfield School Board members were appointed by county supervisors until voters approved elected school boards in 1994. The first elected board was chosen the following November.

"I don't hear people saying we need a black representative or a black School Board member," said Joan Girone, who took office in 1976 as the first woman elected to the Chesterfield Board of Supervisors. She served for 12 years.

"Right now we're looking at potential members for the Board of Supervisors. I am not aware of a black offering for election at this point," said Girone, who served with two black members during the 1980s.

The low number of elected black leaders concerns the Virginia state chapter of the NAACP, said King Salim Khalfani, its executive director.

If some of these counties, such as Prince George, King William and King and Queen, had active NAACP branches, they would have voter-registration efforts and target the lack of representation on the boards that set policies and control budgets, he said.

. . .

A board's racial composition should reflect the community, said Harold T. Green Jr., an African-American resident of Chesterfield for 18 years.

"But if people don't run, it won't," said Green, rector of the board of visitors of VSU.

Even with growing diverse populations, there are several reasons why few minorities seek election. One appears to be not enough of an organized effort to get minorities to run for office or even vote. Another factor may be cultural traditions.

For Latinos to join the boards, they must become more educated and politically active, said Juan Santacoloma, Hispanic liaison for Chesterfield.

"Many are not registered because in our cultures, we don't have the culture to vote. Many people don't participate in this kind of activity," Santacoloma said.

Only 2.7 percent of the Latino population in Virginia is eligible to vote, according to the Pew Hispanic Center.

There isn't much movement now to prepare candidates, but Santacoloma said he hopes that changes.

The Latino community will need to organize, said John Moeser, visiting fellow at the University of Richmond's Center for Civic Engagement. He predicts it will.

For Asians, there is a tendency not to get involved and to be distrustful of the political process, said Eric Liang Jensen, chairman of the Coalition of Asian Pacific Americans of Virginia, a nonpartisan pan-Asian statewide organization. That is one reason the Asian American Society of Central Virginia encourages and sponsors people to join leadership programs to prepare them for public service.

The absence of Asian-Americans in general from politics stems from internal and external factors, said Frank H. Wu, dean of Wayne State University Law School in Detroit and an expert in diversity issues.

"For some Asian-Americans, especially newer immigrants, the language of American democracy is literally a new language. They come from backgrounds that are not democratic, are corrupt or that encourage conformity rather than dissent. They may not realize the importance of politics: They believe if you stick to yourself, work hard, encourage your children to study and so on, all will be well.

"So they may be less eager to embrace the hurly-burly of the public square," Wu said.

Prewrite:
After reading this article, I had understood what it had been trying to say, how the government that we live in in our daily lives affect us through diversity. I use diversity in a day to day bases because of the fact that we live in a diverse community, it helps me accept others.

Postwrite:
I feel that the different ways that people are treated on a day to day basis just because of the way that they were born doesn't make it a good reason to be wrongly judged, like on this article, where it explains how people are wrongly judged by the color of their skin.

Application:
The way that we use diversity to my life is that we are in a diverse community. The diverse community that we are in is the PSEC community. Inside of this community, we have many different races, and to see so many different people in all different kinds of backgrounds helps us understand how they live and what they go through.